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Much of the demographic movement was temporary, and it was sometimes convulsive, but it helped to redraw the social landscape of the city and region. Industry boomed to meet the demands of the war, and citizens were asked to do their part by conserving resources. Library of Congress. The war had sometimes contradictory effects. For example, defense needs created more unity in the region than had existed since the early twentieth century. People mobilizing for a war against Nazism in Europe and against Japanese expansion in Asia shared a common purpose, and they were further united by the effects of federal regulations governing work, consumption, and even entertainment.

But the war also created social upheavals and it reduced local autonomy. For example, the federal government treated the area as a single entity for air patrols and air raid drills, and the air command for the whole region was located in the Philadelphia Naval Shipyard.

Because of a labor shortage, the War Manpower Commission controlled the allotment of workers to industries in the whole metropolitan area. Other federal agencies with headquarters in Philadelphia managed many aspects of economic and social life in the region.


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The Office of Price Administration determined retail prices for most consumer products and allotted gasoline and heating oil for individual use. When the war broke out in Europe, Philadelphia, like the rest of the United States, had high unemployment and many empty factories caused by the Great Depression.

By the time the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor on December 7, , Philadelphia industry had revived enough to mask a long-term trend of industrial decline. In and the Naval Yard also engaged in a clandestine reconstruction of British and other Allied ships damaged by enemy attacks in the Atlantic. The shipyard grew from a few thousand workers in to 58, workers at its peak. The yard even had a naval air field where workers produced aircraft and participated in the development of the first atomic bomb. In , these shipyards employed more than , workers and were the largest employers in the metropolitan area.

Because Philadelphia and its suburbs had played such a prominent role supplying munitions in World War I, Washington turned to many of the same facilities for the new conflict. The Frankford Arsenal , which dated from the early s, hired 20, workers to manufacture small arms, ammunition, and optical devices. It also engaged in munitions research. Local clothing manufacturers met the needs of the Army Supply Depot, and government turned to other Philadelphia industries to produce tanks, railroad equipment, and heavy weapons.

The Baldwin Locomotive Company produced railroad equipment for the Allies and retooled some of its plants to make tanks. The Budd Company in Northeast Philadelphia, which in peace time produced bodies for automobiles, turned out armored cars, tanks, and other equipment. Midvale Steel in Nicetown made armor for the Navy yards. At the Quartermaster Depot in Philadelphia in , a woman stitches sleeves on an army overcoat. Roughly , Philadelphians engaged in defense work, and many thousands more worked in other parts of the region. Almost every able-bodied adult who wanted to work found a job, but racial, gender, and ethnic divisions affected when and where individuals found employment and their pay levels.

African Americans, who had the highest rate of unemployment during the Depression, found opportunities especially after President Roosevelt issued an executive order prohibiting discrimination in defense hiring. The reluctance of employers to hire African Americans was reinforced by the opposition of labor unions.

By the middle of the actions of the local office of the Fair Employment Practices Commission FEPC forced some of the largest defense contractors to reverse their policies. Since the jurisdiction of the FEPC extended over all of Pennsylvania and southern New Jersey, the largest defense contractors in the suburbs began hiring blacks. Discrimination remained entrenched at the Philadelphia Transit Company PTC , which ran the buses, trolleys, and subways.

Despite repeated pressures from the federal government and local civil rights groups, the company and its union refused to allow blacks to work as drivers. In August , when PTC finally hired seven African American drivers, the union called a strike that tied up the city for a week.

But quick action by the NAACP and white civil rights groups, with the cooperation of the newspapers, prevented such an action. Employment discrimination was only one of many humiliations African Americans suffered during the war. Like other cities, Philadelphia faced an acute housing shortage because of the influx of people looking for work. This affected working-class areas especially as multiple families crowded into small houses, but African Americans lived in the most dilapidated houses of all, often without indoor plumbing. For cultural, ethnic, and social reasons, many Philadelphians worried that letting women work in war plants would threaten the social structure.

Several religious organizations charged that working mothers endangered their children. The conservative Republican city government echoed such concerns by refusing to create public day-care centers until near the end of the war. But the shortage of workers ultimately led the War Manpower Commission to recruit women for factories. Most continued to fill jobs traditionally held by women, but many worked as welders, mechanics, and chemists in ship yards, in the Frankford Arsenal, and at the Pennsylvania Railroad.

Before the PTC agreed to hire African Americans as drivers, the company had employed a number of women in that position. Women were active in bond drives and in raising money for social organizations through the United War Fund. Although federal propaganda agencies emphasized unity as a necessity for victory, that unity was often missing in Philadelphia. Besides African Americans, other groups experienced discrimination during the war.

During the Depression era, Jews often suffered job discrimination and even physical attacks. These attacks increased from until during the debate in Philadelphia over whether the United States should remain neutral or provide aid to England and other Allied nations. Opponents of aid charged that the Jews were trying to get the United States involved in another European war. As the debate heated up, Jewish stores were often vandalized, Jewish children often were attacked coming home from school, and there was an arson attack on the home of a West Philadelphia rabbi. Even after Pearl Harbor, Jews continued to face discrimination from groups spreading anti-Semitic literature and practicing job discrimination.

Despite service to the war effort on many fronts, Jews continued to face discrimination for years afterwards. Although no massive relocation occurred on the East Coast to match the forced removal of Japanese from California, Congress classified recent immigrants from Germany and Italy who had not taken out citizenship papers as enemy aliens.

The FBI searched their homes and confiscated radios, telescopes, and other instruments regarded as potentially dangerous. Several hundred enemy aliens were held for a time in a facility in southern New Jersey. Enemy aliens were not allowed to work in a defense facilities, which limited their employment opportunities. Despite such restrictions, labor shortages resulted in an unusual occurrence in Cumberland County, New Jersey, as 2, Japanese Americans from internment camps in the West were allowed to settle in to work on the Seabrook Farms and frozen foods factory.

Some of them stayed after the war and formed a nucleus of Japanese presence in the region. Labor strife proved to be another area in which federal efforts to maintain unity often failed. Although nationally unions had agreed to a no-strike agreement, Philadelphia gained a reputation for strikes. During the Depression strikes in textiles and metal manufacturing were common and usually violent. This pattern continued through the war and affected private shipyards, steel mills, and aircraft factories.

War aims can change in the course of conflict and may eventually morph into "peace conditions" [81] — the minimal conditions under which a state may cease to wage a particular war. Religious groups have long formally opposed or sought to limit war as in the Second Vatican Council document Gaudiem et Spes : "Any act of war aimed indiscriminately at the destruction of entire cities of extensive areas along with their population is a crime against God and man himself.

It merits unequivocal and unhesitating condemnation. In the 21st century, worldwide anti-war movements occurred in response to the United States invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq. Organizations like Stop the War Coalition , based in the United Kingdom, worked on campaigning against the war. The Mexican Drug War , with estimated casualties of 40, since December , has recently faced fundamental opposition. It won the recognition of President Calderon, who began war. There are many theories about the motivations for war, but no consensus about which are most common.

Dutch psychoanalyst Joost Meerloo held that, "War is often In this destructive scenario, these others are made to serve as the scapegoat of unspoken and subconscious frustrations and fears. Other psychoanalysts such as E. Durban and John Bowlby have argued human beings are inherently violent. By this theory, the nation state preserves order in the local society while creating an outlet for aggression through warfare.

For the adult, nations are the sacred objects that generate warfare. Fornari focused upon sacrifice as the essence of war: the astonishing willingness of human beings to die for their country, to give over their bodies to their nation. Despite Fornari's theory that man's altruistic desire for self-sacrifice for a noble cause is a contributing factor towards war, few wars have originated from a desire for war among the general populace. One psychological theory that looks at the leaders is advanced by Maurice Walsh. War is caused by leaders who seek war such as Napoleon and Hitler. Such leaders most often come to power in times of crisis when the populace opts for a decisive leader, who then leads the nation to war.

Naturally, the common people don't want war; neither in Russia nor in England nor in America, nor for that matter in Germany. That is understood. But, after all, it is the leaders of the country who determine the policy and it is always a simple matter to drag the people along, whether it is a democracy or a fascist dictatorship or a Parliament or a Communist dictatorship.

That is easy. All you have to do is tell them they are being attacked and denounce the pacifists for lack of patriotism and exposing the country to danger. It works the same way in any country. Several theories concern the evolutionary origins of warfare. There are two main schools: One sees organized warfare as emerging in or after the Mesolithic as a result of complex social organization and greater population density and competition over resources; the other sees human warfare as a more ancient practice derived from common animal tendencies, such as territoriality and sexual competition.

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The latter school argues that since warlike behavior patterns are found in many primate species such as chimpanzees , [95] as well as in many ant species, [96] group conflict may be a general feature of animal social behavior. Some proponents of the idea argue that war, while innate, has been intensified greatly by developments of technology and social organization such as weaponry and states. Psychologist and linguist Steven Pinker argued that war-related behaviors may have been naturally selected in the ancestral environment due to the benefits of victory.

Crofoot and Wrangham have argued that warfare, if defined as group interactions in which "coalitions attempt to aggressively dominate or kill members of other groups", is a characteristic of most human societies. Those in which it has been lacking "tend to be societies that were politically dominated by their neighbors".

Ashley Montagu strongly denied universalistic instinctual arguments, arguing that social factors and childhood socialization are important in determining the nature and presence of warfare.

Encyclopedia of Conflicts Since World War II | Taylor & Francis Group

Thus, he argues, warfare is not a universal human occurrence and appears to have been a historical invention, associated with certain types of human societies. Low has observed correlation between warfare and education, noting societies where warfare is commonplace encourage their children to be more aggressive.

War can be seen as a growth of economic competition in a competitive international system. In this view wars begin as a pursuit of markets for natural resources and for wealth. War has also been linked to economic development by economic historians and development economists studying state-building and fiscal capacity. There are those on the extreme right of the political spectrum who provide support, fascists in particular, by asserting a natural right of a strong nation to whatever the weak cannot hold by force. Generals , expressed support for an economic view of war.

The Marxist theory of war is quasi-economic in that it states all modern wars are caused by competition for resources and markets between great imperialist powers, claiming these wars are a natural result of the free market and class system. Part of the theory is that war will disappear once a world revolution , over-throwing free markets and class systems, has occurred. Marxist philosopher Rosa Luxemburg theorized that imperialism was the result of capitalist countries needing new markets. Expansion of the means of production is only possible if there is a corresponding growth in consumer demand.

Since the workers in a capitalist economy would be unable to fill the demand, producers must expand into non-capitalist markets to find consumers for their goods, hence driving imperialism. Malthusian theories see expanding population and scarce resources as a source of violent conflict.

For this land which you now inhabit, shut in on all sides by the sea and the mountain peaks, is too narrow for your large population; it scarcely furnishes food enough for its cultivators. Hence it is that you murder and devour one another, that you wage wars, and that many among you perish in civil strife. Let hatred, therefore, depart from among you; let your quarrels end. Enter upon the road to the Holy Sepulchre; wrest that land from a wicked race, and subject it to yourselves.

This is one of the earliest expressions of what has come to be called the Malthusian theory of war, in which wars are caused by expanding populations and limited resources. Thomas Malthus — wrote that populations always increase until they are limited by war, disease, or famine.

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The violent herder—farmer conflicts in Nigeria , Mali , Sudan and other countries in the Sahel region have been exacerbated by land degradation and population growth. According to Heinsohn, who proposed youth bulge theory in its most generalized form, a youth bulge occurs when 30 to 40 percent of the males of a nation belong to the "fighting age" cohorts from 15 to 29 years of age.

It will follow periods with total fertility rates as high as 4—8 children per woman with a 15—year delay. Heinsohn saw both past "Christianist" European colonialism and imperialism, as well as today's Islamist civil unrest and terrorism as results of high birth rates producing youth bulges. Youth bulge theory has been subjected to statistical analysis by the World Bank, [] Population Action International , [] and the Berlin Institute for Population and Development.

Rationalism is an international relations theory or framework. Rationalism and Neorealism international relations operate under the assumption that states or international actors are rational, seek the best possible outcomes for themselves, and desire to avoid the costs of war. Under another rationalist game theory without bargaining, the peace war game , optimal strategies can still be found that depend upon number of iterations played. In "Rationalist Explanations for War", James Fearon examined three rationalist explanations for why some countries engage in war:.

For instance, Geoffrey Blainey argues that war is a result of miscalculation of strength. He cites historical examples of war and demonstrates, "war is usually the outcome of a diplomatic crisis which cannot be solved because both sides have conflicting estimates of their bargaining power. Within the rationalist tradition, some theorists have suggested that individuals engaged in war suffer a normal level of cognitive bias , [] but are still "as rational as you and me". The rationalist theory focused around bargaining is currently under debate. The Iraq War proved to be an anomaly that undercuts the validity of applying rationalist theory to some wars.

The following subsections consider causes of war from system, societal, and individual levels of analysis. This kind of division was first proposed by Kenneth Waltz in Man, the State, and War and has been often used by political scientists since then. There are several different international relations theory schools.

Supporters of realism in international relations argue that the motivation of states is the quest for security, and conflicts can arise from the inability to distinguish defense from offense, which is called the security dilemma. Within the realist school as represented by scholars such as Henry Kissinger and Hans Morgenthau , and the neorealist school represented by scholars such as Kenneth Waltz and John Mearsheimer , two main sub-theories are:. The two theories are not mutually exclusive and may be used to explain disparate events according to the circumstance.

Liberalism as it relates to international relations emphasizes factors such as trade, and its role in disincentivizing conflict which will damage economic relations. Realists [ who? These theories suggest differences in people's personalities, decision-making, emotions, belief systems, and biases are important in determining whether conflicts get out of hand. The morality of war has been the subject of debate for thousands of years.

The two principal aspects of ethics in war, according to the just war theory , are jus ad bellum and Jus in bello. Jus ad bellum right to war , dictates which unfriendly acts and circumstances justify a proper authority in declaring war on another nation. There are six main criteria for the declaration of a just war: first, any just war must be declared by a lawful authority; second, it must be a just and righteous cause, with sufficient gravity to merit large-scale violence; third, the just belligerent must have rightful intentions — namely, that they seek to advance good and curtail evil; fourth, a just belligerent must have a reasonable chance of success; fifth, the war must be a last resort; and sixth, the ends being sought must be proportional to means being used.

Jus in bello right in war , is the set of ethical rules when conducting war. The two main principles are proportionality and discrimination. Proportionality regards how much force is necessary and morally appropriate to the ends being sought and the injustice suffered. The just war theory was foundational in the creation of the United Nations and in International Law 's regulations on legitimate war. Fascism, and the ideals it encompasses, such as Pragmatism , racism, and social Darwinism , hold that violence is good.

Racism holds that violence is good so that a master race can be established, or to purge an inferior race from the earth, or both. Social Darwinism asserts that violence is sometimes necessary to weed the unfit from society so civilization can flourish. These are broad archetypes for the general position that the ends justify the means.

Lewis Coser, U. Thus, the struggle of opposing forces, rather than being disruptive, may be a means of balancing and maintaining a social structure or society. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article is about war in general. For other uses, see War disambiguation and The War disambiguation.

For the video game, see Conflict Zone. Intense violent conflict between states. Prehistoric Ancient Post-classical Early modern Late modern industrial fourth-gen. Blitzkrieg Deep operation Maneuver Operational manoeuvre group. Grand strategy. Military recruitment Conscription Recruit training Military specialism Women in the military Children in the military Transgender people and military service Sexual harassment in the military Conscientious objection Counter recruitment.

Arms industry Materiel Supply chain management. Main article: Types of war. Main article: Military history. See also: Civilian casualties. See also: Military Keynesianism. Main article: Anti-war movement. See also: Aestheticization of violence. Main article: International relations theory. See also: Prehistoric warfare. War portal. List of battles List of battles and other violent events by death toll List of battles by death toll List of invasions List of longest wars List of ongoing conflicts List of orders of battle Lists of wars List of wars: —present List of wars and anthropogenic disasters by death toll List of wars by death toll.

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The Bioarchaeology of Violence. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. Rubinstein Genocide: A History. Pearson Longman. University of Oklahoma Press. Archived from the original on 4 June Retrieved 3 February Retrieved 14 April Bunker and Pamela Ligouri Bunker, "The modern state in epochal transition: The significance of irregular warfare, state deconstruction, and the rise of new warfighting entities beyond neo-medievalism.

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Archived from the original on 12 October Greenwood Publishing Group. Historical evidence on conflict-induced migration — ". European Review of Economic History. Journal of Cultural Economics. Who Wins? Retrieved 25 August A state with greater military capacity than its adversary is more likely to prevail in wars with 'total' war aims—the overthrow of a foreign government or annexation of territory—than in wars with more limited objectives.

Palgrave Macmillan published Retrieved 24 August War aims are the desired territorial, economic, military or other benefits expected following successful conclusion of a war. Justice and the Genesis of War. Cambridge Studies in International Relations. Cambridge University Press published Intangibles, such as prestige or power, can also represent war aims, though often albeit not always their achievement is framed within a more tangible context e.

Lend-Lease Act

The Guardian. Guardian News and Media Limited. At times, war aims were explicitly stated internally or externally in a policy decision, while at other times [ In Afflerbach, Holger ed. Schriften des Historischen Kollegs. In Lutz, Ralph Haswell ed.


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